Suchergebnisse

This paper explains the reason why the hitherto statist country, Korea, has carried out significant decentralization since the 2000s. In explaining the motivation for decentralization, extant literature has focused on the role of parties, bureaucratic politics, democratization, or territorial interests. Yet there is still limited explanation of how the decentralization laws in Korea could be successfully passed in the 2000s, while cental stakeholders still persisted. By tracing the process of decentralization reform in the 2000s, this article demonstrates how structural factors created favourable circumstances and discursive background for institutional change, and how the idea of decentralization, through the idea diffusion mechanism, gave directions for central decision makers to produce a specific path of reform strategies. It also pays attention to the formation of 'practical authority' for reform politicians that made it possible to overcome obdurate resistance from central bureaucrats and politicians.

This paper explores how decentralization has created a 'local political arena' and has been transforming governance in the environmental management sector in South Korea. Korea has been known as a developmental state where the strong central government and businesses have conspicuously dominated during most of its industrialization period. However, since the mid-1990s the deepened democracy, global competitiveness and fiscal austerity have pressured central political stakeholders to devolve highly centralized functions and authority to local bodies. The building of democratic institutions at the local level, including directly elected mayors and city councils, has created room for local politics and diminished central political leverage over local affairs. The national economic crisis has highlighted the inefficiency of the centralized system and encouraged further administrative and fiscal decentralization under the democratic governments. In this context, while the central government Hyundai City - Bae - image3and big businesses continue to have a significant say in policy making, local executives, with their expanded decisional authority and resources, are trying to improve the images of their cities and to take responsibility for promoting urban economies and improving quality of life in the age of trans-border links and competition. This paper analyzes the case of Ulsan, where Hyundai and several other conglomerates are located and which has been a symbol of state-led industrialization during most of the development period. Despite the large role played by the centre in the development of Ulsan, the empowered mayor of the city has successfully turned citizens' attention to post-industrial aspects of governance to ensure the future competitiveness of the city in global markets by orchestrating the collaborative implementation of environmental policies. This paper explores how this governance shift in Ulsan has led successful collaborative environmental change by mobilizing local businesses, civic organizations and general citizens who might not have been interested in the making of an 'environment-friendly city.' (Pac Aff/GIGA)

Recent studies on causes of intergovernmental transformation in old and new democracies have found that decentralization is often the outcome of negotiations between national and local political interests. South Korea is commonly believed to be an exception because local elections and institutions introduced in the early 1990s were, by and large, the product of negotiations among political elites at the centre, without significant inclusion of local actors. However, this article attempts to explicate a hitherto ignored aspect of decentralization reform in Korea: the role of civil society and local activism in the politics of decentralization. In the 2000s, several 'triggering events' such as economic instability, democratic consolidation, emergence of civilian leaders, and the growth of civil society provided a strong momentum for the decentralization movement. We demonstrate how civic organizations at both national and local levels have played significant roles in proposing and pushing for decentralization, and argue that the bottom-up movement for decentralization under the Roh Moo-hyun administration was surprisingly well mobilized and institutionalized, especially at the agenda-setting stage.

"This volume presents the first systematic comparative analysis of national traditions of local democracy across the developed world, as well as their origins and evolution. It reveals how inclusive local institutions that integrate national and local governance make democracy work better. Across most of the developed world, early forms of the national state entrenched the local power of elites. In Anglo-American and Swiss democracies, state formation imposed enduring tensions with local civic governance. In contrast, inclusive, integrative local institutions in Northern Europe enabled close links with central government around common local and national agendas, producing better governance and fuller democracy to the present day. Through comparative analysis, the authors demonstrate how institutions for local governance and the participation of civil society differ widely among developed democracies, and how local democracy relates to national democracy. The resulting insights fundamentally recast our understanding of how to build and maintain more effective democracies"--

Amid a globally increasing trend of urban segregation, this article asks why a particular urban place, the Gangnam area in the city of Seoul, has come to symbolize the rich and the powerful, consolidating both socioeconomic segregation and political conservatism in a short span of time. While different approaches exist that partially explain Gangnam's luxurious lifestyles, fervent real estate speculation, obsession with education, and political conservatism, this article seeks to provide a holistic explanation for the rise of Gangnam and draws particular attention to the social construction of place identity. Based on the analysis of historically and contextually grounded evidence, imaginations, and cognitive scaling of different stakeholders, it suggests bidirectional formations of self–other and present–future identities, highlighting the sociopsychological aspects of place identity formation. Specifically, it explains political conservatism as the attempts of Gangnam residents to sustain the area's entrance barrier and pass on their exclusivity to future selves and children.

Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) have been utilized extensively in both developed and developing countries to provide various public services and infrastructure. The literature points to many common critical success factors, including a mature financial market, transparent regulatory framework, advanced technology, and people's acceptance of new forms, but those can vary from country to country. South Korea's mature market capitalist system and strong regulatory framework have led to somewhat successful infrastructure provision through PPPs at the national level, but as our two cases of urban transportation in the Seoul Metropolitan Area indicate, local-level PPPs have demonstrated mixed results. By elaborating on the factors that affect the outcomes of PPPs at the local level, we argue that under a relatively new local democracy, Korean cities are likely to be susceptible to producing unfair contracts mainly due to limited local fiscal authority and resources, opportunistic behavior of local politicians, an underdeveloped urban institutional framework for PPPs, and the rise of new conditions such as economic nationalism intermixed with speculative foreign investment.

The Three Worlds of MultilevelDemocracydevelops and applies a novel theory of democratic governance. This theory incorporates micro-level patternsof governance and civic organization at the local scale into a comparative macro-analysisof national democratic institutions. Institutionsand politics at the micro-level of cities and communities provide the basis fora new perspective on national state-society relations. We demonstrate how these local patterns havedeveloped through historical processes that were often distinct from those thatgave rise to national democratic institutions, and analyze how they have shapeddemocratic institutions at the national level. These local patterns continue to account for significant cross-nationalcontrasts in the quality of democracy and the performance of policy.